The new Shadow Secretary of State for Transport, Mary Creagh, has made it an early priority to clarify Labour’s new position on HS2. In reality, this position differs little from the approach adopted by her predecessor Maria Eagle, but the party is now focusing more than ever on the costs of the project.
Writing for LabourList on 27 October, Creagh stated:
“Our support for it (HS2) is not at any cost. The Labour Party cannot – and will not – give the Government a blank chequeâ€.
But stories continue to emanate about a lack of agreement between Eds Miliband and Balls over the future of the project. What is though clear is that Labour is in danger of appearing inconsistent about the project and actually leaving them with a lack of options about what to really do about it especially if they form the next Government, or part of the next Government.
As things currently stand, Labour will have little choice but to back the HS2 hybrid Bill when it comes before Parliament – initially later this year and more substantially next. Politically they would risk too much from the cities in the North of England which are backing the project loudly and consistently. To tell many of these Labour voting cities that HS2 and the economic boost that the cities themselves see is no longer party policy would be ‘brave’. Especially as this decision would be taken a year out from the General Election.
So what options does that leave Labour with?
Most realistically, they could kick-off a review of the costs of the project if they got into Government. An Andrew Adonis review or making it the first project that a new independent National Infrastructure Commission (the body recommended by Sir John Armitt in his recent review, could consider may be a good and popular option.
But where does this fit with the hybrid Bill?
They could do a little bit less, in other words, remove parts of the project and that would be possible within the scope of the Bill. It is though much harder to add things to the project. To do this would require an “additional provision” which is only practically possible in the first House (likely to be the House of Commons in the case of HS2). There is precedent for this as the previous hybrid bill, Crossrail, used this procedure to add the Woolwich Station to the project.
They could promote minor changes to the project later still, even while construction is ongoing. Again Crossrail is a good example here.
If the current Government is being smart and politically aware then they will already have framed the scope of the Bill narrowly which will limit Labour’s ability to make significant changes at a later date. To suggest major changes would also trigger the need for a new Environmental Statement, new consultations and so on – making it a totally unrealistic option, if the Bill is to get Royal Assent before the next General Election, an incredibly challenging timetable already.
If Labour really do not want the scheme to proceed when in Government then all they actually have to do is not fund it. Crossrail found itself for years floating around a nether world searching for the funding to get going. HS2 could find itself in the same place if Labour is not committed.
Crossrail only really secured its funding once savings had been found and local contributions, from London businesses, had been arranged.
Realistically this is the only option that Labour has. Once Labour backs the scheme and the Bill then there is little they can do to the scheme itself. The best option would be for them to consider the costs, do a bit of “value engineering†and they could then claim some successes in reducing the other side’s “profligacyâ€.